t follows earlier revelations of dirty money from Malaysia being laundered through Australian property purchases with few consequences for those facilitating the corruption. It’s a problem which the Australian government insists it is confronting, but despite two years of investigations by the Australian Federal Police and a promise to expose the scam from Malaysian Prime Minister, Najib Razak, nobody is facing prosecution in either country.
Raine and Horne International’s Kuala Lumpur office valued the property at $43 million, despite the fact that the building’s seller, Australian businessman Lionel Harber, had simultaneously valued it at $23.5 million.
Mr Farber considered that his sale price equated to fair market value, a view endorsed by an independent valuation.
“That’s a joke,” a surprised Mr Harber told Fairfax Media this week when informed that within weeks of selling his Swanston Street building for $23.5 million to an agent connected to an offshore company, it had been resold to the Malaysian government’s anti-poverty fund, Mara, for $41.8 million.
The leak in 2016 of the “Panama Papers” – millions of documents from Panamanian law firm Mossack Fonseca – is still being trawled through by journalists and police across the world to tie corrupt officials to secret offshore accounts.
Next, these three companies were used to facilitate the “flipping” of the Swanston Street property for $41.8 million, despite its true market value. The transaction freed up $18.3 million which rightly belonged to Malaysian taxpayers and which was meant to be used to help the country’s development. Instead it was distributed among the conspirators.
The Panama Papers and other leaked files reveal that corrupt Malaysian officials tied to the ruling Umno party of Prime Minister Najib Razak, including senior political figure Mohammad Lan Allani, are behind both the property scam and offshore companies.
When the $41.8 million was paid to an offshore firm by the Malaysian government fund to secure ownership of the Melbourne building, Mr Allani was the fund’s chairman. It was Mr Allani’s staff who requested Raine and Horne’s inflated valuation.
And, according to bank transfers recently analysed by anti-corruption investigators, Mr Allani’s personal bank account was paid $3.2 million in kickbacks shortly after the $41.8 million left Malaysian government coffers.
When asked in 2015 about another corrupt deal, Mr Allani said he couldn’t recall them, and was only involved in setting up offshore companies in tax havens as a “convenient” way of selling property bought by the Malaysian government. When questioned about his knowledge of any alleged kickbacks, the former politician hung up the phone.
In 2015, Fairfax Media published an investigation into the $22 million purchase by Malaysia of another apartment building, Dudley House, in Melbourne’s leafy south. The price of this building was inflated by $4.75 million in a corrupt deal supported by Melbourne developers Chris Dimitriou and Peter Mills, a CBD accounting firm and a former Westpac banker.
The same accounting firm, along with two Melbourne law firms, appear to have facilitated aspects of the Swanston Street purchase, assisting in the creation of offshore companies, providing legal advice or moving large amounts of money.
Raine and Horne’s Australian head quarters said this week that its offshore arm pays a fee to usethe firm’s name, but is run by Malaysian managers. Raine and Horne said these managers have insisted the $43 million valuation was appropriate.
“Local investigations … concluded no impropriety was found under the terms of that investigation,” Raine and Horne Australia said in a statement.
The corruption provides an example of the mostly unchecked exploitation of Australia’s property market, which the OECD recently partly attributed to the federal government's failure to adequately crack down on money laundering and bribery facilitated by real estate agents and other facilitators of property sales.
The revelations also raise further questions about Australia’s failure to hold to account companies which bribe foreign politicians and officials or engage in other misconduct.
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