In their brief in the Supreme Court, Mark’s children defend the Minnesota law as part and parcel of the state’s authority to regulate divorces. They add that the law does not implicate the real purpose of the contracts clause: to prevent special-interest groups from using the political process to get out of contracts that they don’t like.
The revocation-on-divorce statute, the children emphasize, is really just a default rule that recognizes that most “people who get divorced do not intend for their ex-spouse to remain as their beneficiaries” and avoids uncertainty and litigation about whether the beneficiary designation was actually revoked. They point out that Kaye isn’t arguing that the revocation-on-divorce law affects her own rights under the contracts clause; instead, she contends that it affects Mark’s right to have the money go to her. “For all we know,” the children suggest, their father never changed his beneficiary designation because he knew that he didn’t have to – the revocation-on-demand statute would do it automatically.
But at a minimum, she argues, the court should put private contracts like Mark’s life-insurance policy on the same footing as public contracts, banning impairments to private contracts “when a ‘more moderate course will serve” the state’s purposes “equally well.” And here, she says, if Minnesota wanted to protect “inattentive divorcés who forget to remove their former spouse as a beneficiary,” it could have done so “in a host of less intrusive ways.” For example, the state could require all divorce decrees to contain a prominent warning that the divorce could affect the former spouses’ beneficiary designations, which would prompt the policyholder to consider whether the other spouse should remain the beneficiary. Or, Kaye continues, the state could require courts to confirm that parties to a divorce have reviewed their beneficiary designations and made any changes that are necessary. But, Kaye observes, Minnesota doesn’t seem to think that the law is particularly important, because it opted not to participate in the case to defend the law. Nor did any of the other states with similar laws file “friend of the court” briefs supporting Mark’s children.
Kaye also pushes back against the children’s premise that the revocation-on-divorce statute is simply a default rule to put into effect what the policyholder would have intended if he had thought about it. She suggests that a policyholder may actually want a former spouse to remain the beneficiary and receive the money despite their divorce – for example, to provide money for the couple’s children. Indeed, in her case, she tells the justices, she had argued in the lower courts that Mark and she had agreed to leave the beneficiary designation in place after their divorce; Mark was the beneficiary on her life-insurance policy, and she hadn’t changed that before he died. And they would have had no reason to believe that a different result would ensue, because the Minnesota laws in effect when Mark bought his policy and made Kaye his beneficiary made clear that, even if the couple divorced, Kaye would still receive the proceeds of the policy when Mark died unless he specifically changed his beneficiary. If the logic behind the revocation-on-divorce statute is that a policyholder who gets divorced just hasn’t gotten around to changing his beneficiary, she emphasizes, “the legislature can’t expect those same individuals to know that the law has changed and exercise their theoretical right to re-designate their former beneficiary.”
Kaye downplays these potential concerns, noting that (unlike the law here) slayer statutes and similar laws “are all clearly tied to legitimate public interests” – such as not giving a murderer or abuser the money from his victim. Will the justices find this distinction persuasive? And will any of them – particularly the court’s newest justice, Neil Gorsuch – show any interest in what Kaye describes as the “original understanding” of the contracts clause? We’ll know more after next week’s oral argument.
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